[any of a group of primarily arboreal (tree-dwelling) Old World lizards best known for their ability to change body colour. Other characteristics of chameleons include zygodactylous feet (with toes fused into opposed bundles of two and three), acrodont dentition (with the teeth attached to the edge of the jaw), eyes that move independently, and a long, slender projectile tongue. The name has also been applied to the false chameleon, or anole, a New World lizard of the genus Anolis (family Iguanidae). Encyclopaedia Britannica ]
It was never just Maumoon. It was always Them against Us. The Franchised against the Disenfranchised. The Oppressors against the Oppressed. They used every which avenue they could to maintain the status quo.
In the early years of the Qayyoom era, there were three main camps of power brokers: his own family, his in-laws and his Egyptian friends. The early years were smooth for him, as all three camps were collaborating to consolidate power within the ranks, and create a closure for all others. This of course meant that slowly, but steadily the resources in the country and national assets were increasingly controlled by these few people. Along with this, a rapid deterioration of the rule of law was carefully engineered. The net result was the establishment of a system where all opportunities in the country were carefully controlled by these people, and these opportunities were dispensed by patronage.
This paved the way for the creation of a class of people, recruited on the basis of loyalty to the regime, to control key government posts and the business sector. Government officials were given a free hand to dig into the public purse and “create wealth” for themselves and loyalists in the business sector were provided exclusive opportunities, sometimes by restricting the business environment for competitors.
In all of this, for Qayyoom to maintain control for himself, he had to engage in the old Arabic system of divide and rule, and juggle a balancing act between the factions. This resulted in extreme rivalry within the factions, and empire building by the factions. At first, each faction had to demonstrate that they were the key for Qayyoom to hold on to power. Ultimately this has led to the demise of the regime from within the ranks.
With the advancement of the opposition and the gradual weakening of the regime, all these people, the factions, the opportunistic officials and the opportunistic business community initially tried to take power. When they realized that they might go down with the regime, they have now split up and are seemingly jockeying for power now. Suddenly, they all want to protect the “public interest” so badly they can’t even get a good night’s sleep now. But, it is only a matter of time before they realize none of them can make it without Qayyoom. Yameen has realized that now, and he has made his peace with Qayyoom and the DRP.
Time will tell how soon all these “boys” will fuse together in a last bid attempt to salvage what they can, and then it will be Them against Us again, which is what it has always been. The flirting will be over soon. The boys and girls will join hands again.
The ideal running mate for Qasim will be Yameen, won’t it? I can almost see this scene where Ilyas and Hameed are holding up Qayyoom by each armpit, with Qasim and Yameen hand in hand leading the parade with shouts of long live the Zaeem!
Friday, August 29, 2008
Saturday, August 23, 2008
Transparency
An essential feature in a functioning democracy is transparency of government decisions and actions. A lack of transparency undeniably opens gateways for public officials to engage in untoward behaviour such as acts of corruption, favouring, disregarding the law, and getting away with it.
One of the cries in the Reform Movement was the demand for transparency from the government. Public rallies were calling for it. A central theme in almost every debate in Parliament was the call for transparency. Slowly the government caved in to this demand, and today we see a degree of transparency in government actions which we have not seen before. Even TV Maldives and VOM is now broadcasting news and other programmes which have some aspect of transparency included. The pressure is too much, I guess.
This is not to say the situation regarding transparency is rosy. Far from it. There is much to be done in this area.
The call for transparency stemmed from a call for accountability. Until the Maafushi jail incident, everything within the government was shrouded in secrecy. Therefore, there was no avenue for the government to be held accountable for anything. Even the Majlis had limits on information it could demand from the government!
Amidst the call for transparency on the part of the government was also an element of exposing individuals. Public officials were put under scrutiny to a level that was never seen before. How they conducted public business, their competency, acts of corruption, improper behaviour, you name it, it was talked about, questioned and exposed.
In spite of the discomfort to these individuals (and sometimes, to their close ones, unfortunately), the “lifting of the veils” has done much good for the nation, I believe. Crooks, incompetents and liars have been exposed to the public for what they are.
I wish the opposition, both in and out of Parliament, would make more efficient and effective use of the avenues which have been opened up to expose the regime further for what they have been doing, and what they are. The people have a right to and deserve to know. The media should be concentrating more on this aspect.
We are facing an election. Many public figures are actively engaged in campaigning and other political activity. But there is a disturbing element in the Reform Process. It is often assumed that if you are in the ranks of the opposition, then your past life doesn’t matter. Even more frightening is the fact that if you are in the front line of attack against Qayyoom, then whatever you do can be justified, and basically you can do no wrong. It is almost as if the entire opposition movement is one huge washing machine! Many have taken advantage of this complacency. People who were doing their level best to uphold the regime are now true blue Reformists. Individuals who exercised their powers in the government and parliament to deny constitutional rights from citizens are now hailed as heroes. Those who moseyed up to Qayyoom to increase their ill-gotten gains, and then used those gains to uphold the regime are now projecting themselves as saviours and saints, and the only ones who can “save” the people from Qayyoom. Quite sickening, if you ask me.
I believe it is important that the public know exactly who these people are and what they have done to this nation. I am one of the people who have been constantly accused of making deals, for personal gain, with the government or lining up with government figures. But, I believe that time has shown that these claims were totally unfounded. How many others have actively sought deals with the government?
It is time to get rid of the “anti-government-umbrella-which-absolves-all-from-all”. I should be put under even further scrutiny by the public. So should Anni, Umar, Hassan, Qasim and all respective running mates, and all others who are in the public domain. If the public fails to do this and turns a blind eye to reality just to “bring Qayyoom down”, the nation may be landed with another Qayyoom, albeit in disguise.
Transparency should apply not only to government, but also to those aspiring to govern.
One of the cries in the Reform Movement was the demand for transparency from the government. Public rallies were calling for it. A central theme in almost every debate in Parliament was the call for transparency. Slowly the government caved in to this demand, and today we see a degree of transparency in government actions which we have not seen before. Even TV Maldives and VOM is now broadcasting news and other programmes which have some aspect of transparency included. The pressure is too much, I guess.
This is not to say the situation regarding transparency is rosy. Far from it. There is much to be done in this area.
The call for transparency stemmed from a call for accountability. Until the Maafushi jail incident, everything within the government was shrouded in secrecy. Therefore, there was no avenue for the government to be held accountable for anything. Even the Majlis had limits on information it could demand from the government!
Amidst the call for transparency on the part of the government was also an element of exposing individuals. Public officials were put under scrutiny to a level that was never seen before. How they conducted public business, their competency, acts of corruption, improper behaviour, you name it, it was talked about, questioned and exposed.
In spite of the discomfort to these individuals (and sometimes, to their close ones, unfortunately), the “lifting of the veils” has done much good for the nation, I believe. Crooks, incompetents and liars have been exposed to the public for what they are.
I wish the opposition, both in and out of Parliament, would make more efficient and effective use of the avenues which have been opened up to expose the regime further for what they have been doing, and what they are. The people have a right to and deserve to know. The media should be concentrating more on this aspect.
We are facing an election. Many public figures are actively engaged in campaigning and other political activity. But there is a disturbing element in the Reform Process. It is often assumed that if you are in the ranks of the opposition, then your past life doesn’t matter. Even more frightening is the fact that if you are in the front line of attack against Qayyoom, then whatever you do can be justified, and basically you can do no wrong. It is almost as if the entire opposition movement is one huge washing machine! Many have taken advantage of this complacency. People who were doing their level best to uphold the regime are now true blue Reformists. Individuals who exercised their powers in the government and parliament to deny constitutional rights from citizens are now hailed as heroes. Those who moseyed up to Qayyoom to increase their ill-gotten gains, and then used those gains to uphold the regime are now projecting themselves as saviours and saints, and the only ones who can “save” the people from Qayyoom. Quite sickening, if you ask me.
I believe it is important that the public know exactly who these people are and what they have done to this nation. I am one of the people who have been constantly accused of making deals, for personal gain, with the government or lining up with government figures. But, I believe that time has shown that these claims were totally unfounded. How many others have actively sought deals with the government?
It is time to get rid of the “anti-government-umbrella-which-absolves-all-from-all”. I should be put under even further scrutiny by the public. So should Anni, Umar, Hassan, Qasim and all respective running mates, and all others who are in the public domain. If the public fails to do this and turns a blind eye to reality just to “bring Qayyoom down”, the nation may be landed with another Qayyoom, albeit in disguise.
Transparency should apply not only to government, but also to those aspiring to govern.
Saturday, August 16, 2008
Twenty First Century Rannamari
When the Reform Movement started in earnest in 2004, it was clear that the Presidency of Qayyoom, or Qayyoom himself was the main obstruction for Maldivians to achieve their dreams of a fulfilling life. Seemingly he held all the power. He was perceived to be all powerful, and hence it was very easy to assume, and even easier to convince people, that the panacea to all our troubles was to remove him from office.
Ironically, the very fact that Qayyoom held all this power was also the basis for his downfall. Those around him had been abusing public office for years, and by and large, Qayyoom had been taking the blame for all abuses in front of the public. The theory was, I think, that there would never be a day when he would be held accountable for anything. Those abusing public office, and those enjoying his patronage would always be there to “cushion” the impact. As a result, Qayyoom was seen by many to be the source of all troubles, and removing him from office would, by default, solve our problems, just like that. To be fair, the poor guy most probably did not know what was happening within his government half the time. That is not say that his “not knowing” absolves him from anything. It was his business TO know, and it is a pretty lame excuse as an answer for his incompetency. Nevertheless, the end game has shown that none of his cronies are coming to his rescue now, and he is being dropped like a hot potato very quickly. Lessons to be learnt here for all “Presidential Hopefuls”!
Sometimes you feel sorry for the fellow when all those people who benefitted from his illegitimate rule, received undue favours from him to build up multi-million dollar empires, filled high posts in his government when they had no right to, just turn around and start crying “foul” on him. Sometimes I wonder what he thinks to himself these days. Must be bitter feelings, he has, these days. But I suppose he could take some comfort in the fact that there still are people like us, who have at least been consistent in our criticisms of the way he governs.
What is significant in our ponderings on the “bring down Qayyoom panacea” is that, even after the might of Qayyoom has been brought down, there are some who still want to cultivate and promote the idea that Qayyoom is still all powerful, and that the primary thing is to get him out of office. For those people, even forgoing the processes required to hold a free and fair election, giving out and receiving bribes, using gang violence, distributing joints and “pieces” can be justified on the ground that all this is for the single objective of “bringing down Qayyoom”. Even if it means taking the nation out of Qayyoom’s hands and putting it in the hands of a cartel of corrupt and greedy businessmen or in the hands of one who doesn’t even have a notion of what rule of law is about.
The way I see it, the very existence of certain schools of thought can only be justified with the existence of a real or perceived all powerful Qayyoom. Hence this myth has to be cultivated carefully to justify the actions necessary to sustain these schools of thought, and their place in Maldivian politics. Isn’t it a contradiction itself, that the very existence of those trying to bring down Qayyoom is so dependant on Qayyoom himself? Talk about symbiotic relationships!
The reality is that Qayyoom’s power has been stripped off him now. All the props holding up the regime have crumbled away. The opportunists are now frantically looking for another “Qayyoom” to prop up so that they can be all important in the process. Question is, will the public see this and understand this in time?
I say, forget Qayyoom now. Focus on the future. Take charge of our own lives and destinies. Let us vow to ourselves, that never again will we allow others to dictate to us. We have an excellent constitution in place now, a constitution which truly lets us define our futures. Let us be thoughtful in how we exercise our newly acquired liberties and freedoms.
One unanswered question in Maldivian folklore has been whether there ever really was a Rannamari, or was it an illusion created by the Sultan to take the rap for all the virgins he raped and killed? We can breathe easy when all Rannamaris have been finally put to rest.
Ironically, the very fact that Qayyoom held all this power was also the basis for his downfall. Those around him had been abusing public office for years, and by and large, Qayyoom had been taking the blame for all abuses in front of the public. The theory was, I think, that there would never be a day when he would be held accountable for anything. Those abusing public office, and those enjoying his patronage would always be there to “cushion” the impact. As a result, Qayyoom was seen by many to be the source of all troubles, and removing him from office would, by default, solve our problems, just like that. To be fair, the poor guy most probably did not know what was happening within his government half the time. That is not say that his “not knowing” absolves him from anything. It was his business TO know, and it is a pretty lame excuse as an answer for his incompetency. Nevertheless, the end game has shown that none of his cronies are coming to his rescue now, and he is being dropped like a hot potato very quickly. Lessons to be learnt here for all “Presidential Hopefuls”!
Sometimes you feel sorry for the fellow when all those people who benefitted from his illegitimate rule, received undue favours from him to build up multi-million dollar empires, filled high posts in his government when they had no right to, just turn around and start crying “foul” on him. Sometimes I wonder what he thinks to himself these days. Must be bitter feelings, he has, these days. But I suppose he could take some comfort in the fact that there still are people like us, who have at least been consistent in our criticisms of the way he governs.
What is significant in our ponderings on the “bring down Qayyoom panacea” is that, even after the might of Qayyoom has been brought down, there are some who still want to cultivate and promote the idea that Qayyoom is still all powerful, and that the primary thing is to get him out of office. For those people, even forgoing the processes required to hold a free and fair election, giving out and receiving bribes, using gang violence, distributing joints and “pieces” can be justified on the ground that all this is for the single objective of “bringing down Qayyoom”. Even if it means taking the nation out of Qayyoom’s hands and putting it in the hands of a cartel of corrupt and greedy businessmen or in the hands of one who doesn’t even have a notion of what rule of law is about.
The way I see it, the very existence of certain schools of thought can only be justified with the existence of a real or perceived all powerful Qayyoom. Hence this myth has to be cultivated carefully to justify the actions necessary to sustain these schools of thought, and their place in Maldivian politics. Isn’t it a contradiction itself, that the very existence of those trying to bring down Qayyoom is so dependant on Qayyoom himself? Talk about symbiotic relationships!
The reality is that Qayyoom’s power has been stripped off him now. All the props holding up the regime have crumbled away. The opportunists are now frantically looking for another “Qayyoom” to prop up so that they can be all important in the process. Question is, will the public see this and understand this in time?
I say, forget Qayyoom now. Focus on the future. Take charge of our own lives and destinies. Let us vow to ourselves, that never again will we allow others to dictate to us. We have an excellent constitution in place now, a constitution which truly lets us define our futures. Let us be thoughtful in how we exercise our newly acquired liberties and freedoms.
One unanswered question in Maldivian folklore has been whether there ever really was a Rannamari, or was it an illusion created by the Sultan to take the rap for all the virgins he raped and killed? We can breathe easy when all Rannamaris have been finally put to rest.
Wednesday, August 13, 2008
Reminiscing
Today is the 13th of August 2008. It is the early hours of the morning. I had some time this evening to read a story to both my children before they slumbered off to wherever it is that children go to when their exhausted bodies just give up on them. A rare treat these days for my children and I. After an exhausting day of work and meetings and more meetings and some more work, my body has finally given up on me. Normally I, myself, would slumber off promptly; but tonight, sleep just will not come. I can hear the gentle breathing of my wife sleeping beside me, but I cannot join her in dreamland. There is just so much going through my mind. I just had to get up and share some of these thoughts with my friends in cyberspace.
This time, 13th of August 2004. I was at the Republican Square, where there must have been at least 15,000 people gathered to protest against injustice and the Qayyoom regime. I can still remember that I thought then, our country will never be the same again. Years and years of anger and frustration had finally spilled over, and the whole thing had taken a life of its own. There was nothing anyone could do to stop it. The forces of nature and time itself were at work. An awesome moment in the history of Maldives. The people rising against a brutal and armed regime. They had reached a point when it no longer made any difference. Funny thing was, there was no violence, no disorder. Just a large silent crowd of people, and a smaller crowd chanting slogans and giving speeches : expressing suppressed feelings of frustration.
Of course, even as the request from the President came to me while I was at home in the evening, to go to the Square to try and calm people down, I knew deep within me that this was a defining moment in the freedom movement. Of course, I knew the government would survive this day, and that I would be in jail at best, before the day was through. This was just the first confrontation of many more to come.
Of course by sunset the following day, I was in military custody, and in the early hours of the next morning, transferred to police custody.
68 days in solitary confinement, with only the Holy Quran to keep you company. Hospitalization for a week, after a month of losing consciousness two or three times a day, within the confines of a six foot by eight foot cell. Funnily enough, the despair I was expecting never set in.
The only weak moment I had was when my wife and children came to visit me in hospital. The children (5 and 6 then) had brought a “get well” card which they had prepared for their father. However, the Police Commissioner must have thought that these two young children must be accomplices in a plot to overthrow the government, and they had brought important documents central to the plot, for he refused permission for the children to show me the card, even after the attending officer had checked through the contents of the card. The weak moment came when I had to explain to two bewildered kids why they could not give their card to their father.
Two more months under house arrest, with a charge of treason filed against me in the courts. Having to campaign for an election while under house arrest, held incommunicado. Chickening out “reformers” who were terrified of contesting the majlis elections because they might suffer further at the hands of the tyrant they were trying to bring down. Only Ilyas Hussain, Adil and Furahani Shuaib defied the tyrants and contested the elections. Out of desperation, I had to convince my wife to contest the G Dh elections to try and get Abbas Ibrahim out of the Majlis. And then she had to fight against the mighty wealth of the Villa Group!
12th of August 2005. Anni went to the Square and got arrested. He was charged with both Terrorism and Treason for that effort! The Attorney General, Justice Minister and the Foreign Minister were all over public media, telling the public just how big a threat these people were to the well being of the nation, and that “they will all be held in jail until they were convicted”. Presumption of guilt? One wonders what they teach in law school these days, particularly at the doctoral levels. The Spin Doctor, I can understand, but the other Doctors?
Sometimes it amuses me to see these people trying to act out something that they don’t really believe.
The MDP was facing the biggest challenge yet. Barely formed, no clear leadership, and the front bench were already thinking of dissociating from the party and forming another one. Male’was in chaos for four days. The likes of Abbas were playing with fire (pardon the pun). If ever Qayyoom came close to regaining lost ground, that was the time. Somehow, we crossed that barrier too, and overcame that challenge.
Finally the constitutional revision is complete and ratified on 7 August 2008.
12th of August 2008. Another historic day. For the first time, the Majlis is free of Executive control. An elected member of parliament is finally elected into the office of Speaker of the Majlis! Is it just coincidence that this also happened on the 12th of August? I don’t think that many have pondered the significance of this event yet. I am so glad that I fought so hard in the Special Majlis, to get the concept of “those present and voting” enshrined into the constitution, for this is the provision which has allowed an elected MP to gain the Speaker’s Office.
The significance of this event is enormous. Finally, we have the opportunity to start working to hold the government to account. With a “people friendly” Speaker, the constitution now allows Qayyoom to be brought to the floor of the Majlis and asked to account for his actions, in front of the public. With Seena Zahir, we would never have had that opportunity. His interpretations of the Standing Orders of the Majlis always ensured that the government could hide behind the Speaker! I sincerely hope that Shihab will allow a democratic parliament to emerge.
On reflection, I feel a sense of achievement, both for myself and the country. A long, hard, fight no doubt. But it was definitely worth the sacrifices. A sense of excitement is creeping in. The end of an era is nigh, and a new one about to begin. Where will it lead us? Coincidence or not, what is certain is that the 12th of August has been etched in stone in Maldivian History.
This time, 13th of August 2004. I was at the Republican Square, where there must have been at least 15,000 people gathered to protest against injustice and the Qayyoom regime. I can still remember that I thought then, our country will never be the same again. Years and years of anger and frustration had finally spilled over, and the whole thing had taken a life of its own. There was nothing anyone could do to stop it. The forces of nature and time itself were at work. An awesome moment in the history of Maldives. The people rising against a brutal and armed regime. They had reached a point when it no longer made any difference. Funny thing was, there was no violence, no disorder. Just a large silent crowd of people, and a smaller crowd chanting slogans and giving speeches : expressing suppressed feelings of frustration.
Of course, even as the request from the President came to me while I was at home in the evening, to go to the Square to try and calm people down, I knew deep within me that this was a defining moment in the freedom movement. Of course, I knew the government would survive this day, and that I would be in jail at best, before the day was through. This was just the first confrontation of many more to come.
Of course by sunset the following day, I was in military custody, and in the early hours of the next morning, transferred to police custody.
68 days in solitary confinement, with only the Holy Quran to keep you company. Hospitalization for a week, after a month of losing consciousness two or three times a day, within the confines of a six foot by eight foot cell. Funnily enough, the despair I was expecting never set in.
The only weak moment I had was when my wife and children came to visit me in hospital. The children (5 and 6 then) had brought a “get well” card which they had prepared for their father. However, the Police Commissioner must have thought that these two young children must be accomplices in a plot to overthrow the government, and they had brought important documents central to the plot, for he refused permission for the children to show me the card, even after the attending officer had checked through the contents of the card. The weak moment came when I had to explain to two bewildered kids why they could not give their card to their father.
Two more months under house arrest, with a charge of treason filed against me in the courts. Having to campaign for an election while under house arrest, held incommunicado. Chickening out “reformers” who were terrified of contesting the majlis elections because they might suffer further at the hands of the tyrant they were trying to bring down. Only Ilyas Hussain, Adil and Furahani Shuaib defied the tyrants and contested the elections. Out of desperation, I had to convince my wife to contest the G Dh elections to try and get Abbas Ibrahim out of the Majlis. And then she had to fight against the mighty wealth of the Villa Group!
12th of August 2005. Anni went to the Square and got arrested. He was charged with both Terrorism and Treason for that effort! The Attorney General, Justice Minister and the Foreign Minister were all over public media, telling the public just how big a threat these people were to the well being of the nation, and that “they will all be held in jail until they were convicted”. Presumption of guilt? One wonders what they teach in law school these days, particularly at the doctoral levels. The Spin Doctor, I can understand, but the other Doctors?
Sometimes it amuses me to see these people trying to act out something that they don’t really believe.
The MDP was facing the biggest challenge yet. Barely formed, no clear leadership, and the front bench were already thinking of dissociating from the party and forming another one. Male’was in chaos for four days. The likes of Abbas were playing with fire (pardon the pun). If ever Qayyoom came close to regaining lost ground, that was the time. Somehow, we crossed that barrier too, and overcame that challenge.
Finally the constitutional revision is complete and ratified on 7 August 2008.
12th of August 2008. Another historic day. For the first time, the Majlis is free of Executive control. An elected member of parliament is finally elected into the office of Speaker of the Majlis! Is it just coincidence that this also happened on the 12th of August? I don’t think that many have pondered the significance of this event yet. I am so glad that I fought so hard in the Special Majlis, to get the concept of “those present and voting” enshrined into the constitution, for this is the provision which has allowed an elected MP to gain the Speaker’s Office.
The significance of this event is enormous. Finally, we have the opportunity to start working to hold the government to account. With a “people friendly” Speaker, the constitution now allows Qayyoom to be brought to the floor of the Majlis and asked to account for his actions, in front of the public. With Seena Zahir, we would never have had that opportunity. His interpretations of the Standing Orders of the Majlis always ensured that the government could hide behind the Speaker! I sincerely hope that Shihab will allow a democratic parliament to emerge.
On reflection, I feel a sense of achievement, both for myself and the country. A long, hard, fight no doubt. But it was definitely worth the sacrifices. A sense of excitement is creeping in. The end of an era is nigh, and a new one about to begin. Where will it lead us? Coincidence or not, what is certain is that the 12th of August has been etched in stone in Maldivian History.
Friday, August 8, 2008
The Constitution
The Constitution
In 2004, I decided to contest the election for the Special Majlis because I believed with every fibre of my being that drastic changes to the constitution had to be brought, and the rule of law had to be brought back to our country if this country was to survive. The Maldives had been ruled with a tight fist by Qayyoom for over 25 years, and his single minded worldview had taken root in the core of Maldivian society. Qayyoom’s formative years had been spent in Baathist Egypt, his hero was Jamal Abdul Nasir, and he was trying to emulate a system of governance which you found in Nasir’s Egypt and Saddam’s Iraq.
It had come to a point where brutality was becoming the order of the day, and any thought which did not fit into his worldview was proclaimed to be treacherous and equivalent to treason. In short, the nation itself had become synonymous with Qayyoom. Anything which anyone said or did which was not in line with Qayyoom’s thinking was of course something which would destroy “national unity”, and by default detrimental to the nation. He even went to the extent of creating a new concept : “ebbaeh vanthakan” (oneness of people) which was portrayed as different from “ebbaivanthakan” (unity of people). “Ebbaeh vanthakan” was perceived to be a “higher state of existence”.
By the turn of the century, all the hallmarks of a true despot were very well defined and very visible. This was really not surprising, as anyone who has enjoyed that much of unfettered, unchallenged power for such a long time would have developed the psychological profile of a despot. History has shown this to us time and again.
With the brutal murder of Evan Naseem, and what ensued from then on, Maldivians had to decide what to do next. It was obvious that leaving the dictatorship as it was, would ultimately lead to a total systems break. But the critical question was how do we change the system? There were two main choices : bring down Qayyoom, revolution style, through direct public action, which would have been a quick way of obtaining an immediate respite, or focus on dismantling the very structures which held up the dictatorship. I always had believed that the latter was the solution that we should pursue. For many reasons.
First and foremost, to leave the structures as they were and simply replace Qayyoom would have had disastrous consequences. Whoever replaced Qayyoom would automatically inherit the structures, and the next dictatorship would begin. Once in power, it is highly unlikely that the new ruler would seek to democratize the system. Furthermore, he or she would, at that time have huge popularity in his or her populist agenda, and it would be virtually impossible to pressure or force the new ruler to bring any meaningful reform, because power would be derived from the masses. The intellectuals and thinkers in the movement to bring change would be quickly sidelined and projected as people “obstructing” the masses from “reaping the benefits” of the revolution with their fancy ideas and idealism. The Chinese revolution, what has happened repeatedly in Pakistan or even the more recent movements elsewhere in the world is consistently telling us this.
I know, that what I am outlining here will most probably anger some, particularly those who had believed in the panacea of removing Gayyoom from office with respect to our problems. However, this is the truth as I saw it, and I still see it.
So, replacing one dictatorship with another was, to my mind, not the solution. If one took a quiet moment to reflect on the defining moments in the past four years, and did some soul searching about the “reform movement”, one can identify the struggles between these elements. If we look at how this movement has evolved, and how it has fanned out now, we can clearly see early signs of what would have happened had there been a power vacuum without structural reformation.
In short, the actual reform would only come through structural reformation and readjustment, and the practical question to be asked was : do we attempt this with a weakened, dying out dictatorship which lacked any credibility in the public eye, at the helm; or do we attempt this with a vibrant, young, public adoring dictatorship at the helm?
I BELIEVED THAT IT WAS IMPERATIVE THAT STRUCTURAL REFORM BE MADE BEFORE A CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT OCCURS.
It was not an easy decision to make. On the one hand there was the deliberately created expectations of toppling Qayyoom on the streets. Everytime there was a demonstration or a protest on the streets, there was an expectation that tonight the Government would be toppled. The primary purpose of the particular protest would be lost somewhere between the starting point for the march and the designated rallying point. And of course, when it did not happen, instead of blaming those who created the unrealistic expectation, a carefully engineered propaganda piece would be generated to point the finger at those who had always advocated that this was not the way to go. Of course I had to bear the brunt of it. Who else, but Ibra, with his “shady dealings” with Qayyoom, Qasim, Ilyas, Yaameen and others could be blamed? The pressure was immense.
On the other hand, as an elected Member of Parliament, and as one who deeply loved the people of this nation, and as one who was fully committed to a genuinely democratic Maldives, I also had to consider the long term consequences of any action I take, or endorse. Of course, public direct action and sustained public engagement was a necessary component to keep the process moving, and to pressure the ailing dictatorship to give in to the democratic process, particularly on the floors of both Majlises where profound decisions were being made on a daily basis. One also had to consider the fragility of our society, the possibility of economic collapse, the loss of investor confidence, the possible bursting of the tourism bubble and diverting markets to competitors, the possible long term negative effects on a closely knit community and many such factors.
In the end, I realized that a fine balance had to be maintained between modes of action, and my belief that Structural Reforms should come before a change of government was further strengthened. And I decided, that whatever cost to my personal political career it might incur, I would dedicate the majority of my efforts to the constitutional revision process.
The decision HAS been costly to me personally. I had to remain silent while all kinds of rumours and innuendo, and outright lies about me were being spread around. While every other contender for the Presidency were focusing their energies on campaigning (Qayyoom, Anni, Hassan and others), I was stuck, day in and day out, 18 hours a day, 7 days a week in the drafting committee office. The amount of redrafting that we had to do even at the committee stage, the number of meetings which had to be called off because of lack of quorum, were carefully orchestrated attempts by political opponents to keep me engaged, and to discredit me. The pressures on my time were such that, at one point, my daughter declared that she needed another father because the current one did not have any time for her! I can understand her sentiment, because sometimes, I would go for a whole week without spending any time with either of my children.
Whatever the cost to me personally, I am now extremely joyous that the Constitution had been finally revised, and that whoever comes into power in the next election, be it Qayyoom or I, or anyone else, he or she will not have unchecked power to create another dictatorship in this country. Nothing short of a military takeover, or the public giving way to a plutocracy, will ever reduce us to that condition of inhuman subjugation. Even as I say this, I do realize that the possibility of a plutocracy is looming large on the horizon. That will be the next challenge.
I am grateful, that this objective of mine had been realized. I do not regret the decision I took. Whatever difficulties I had to face, whatever political damage that I may have suffered because of my decision, is still worth the achievement. If I had to, I would do it all over again.
We have now laid the foundation for Structural Reform, we have brought about much change, we have closed the doors for a dictatorship (at least legally!) and we did it more or less with our society still in one piece, the tourism industry still intact. All in all, not a bad 4 years work!
Allah bless us all.
In 2004, I decided to contest the election for the Special Majlis because I believed with every fibre of my being that drastic changes to the constitution had to be brought, and the rule of law had to be brought back to our country if this country was to survive. The Maldives had been ruled with a tight fist by Qayyoom for over 25 years, and his single minded worldview had taken root in the core of Maldivian society. Qayyoom’s formative years had been spent in Baathist Egypt, his hero was Jamal Abdul Nasir, and he was trying to emulate a system of governance which you found in Nasir’s Egypt and Saddam’s Iraq.
It had come to a point where brutality was becoming the order of the day, and any thought which did not fit into his worldview was proclaimed to be treacherous and equivalent to treason. In short, the nation itself had become synonymous with Qayyoom. Anything which anyone said or did which was not in line with Qayyoom’s thinking was of course something which would destroy “national unity”, and by default detrimental to the nation. He even went to the extent of creating a new concept : “ebbaeh vanthakan” (oneness of people) which was portrayed as different from “ebbaivanthakan” (unity of people). “Ebbaeh vanthakan” was perceived to be a “higher state of existence”.
By the turn of the century, all the hallmarks of a true despot were very well defined and very visible. This was really not surprising, as anyone who has enjoyed that much of unfettered, unchallenged power for such a long time would have developed the psychological profile of a despot. History has shown this to us time and again.
With the brutal murder of Evan Naseem, and what ensued from then on, Maldivians had to decide what to do next. It was obvious that leaving the dictatorship as it was, would ultimately lead to a total systems break. But the critical question was how do we change the system? There were two main choices : bring down Qayyoom, revolution style, through direct public action, which would have been a quick way of obtaining an immediate respite, or focus on dismantling the very structures which held up the dictatorship. I always had believed that the latter was the solution that we should pursue. For many reasons.
First and foremost, to leave the structures as they were and simply replace Qayyoom would have had disastrous consequences. Whoever replaced Qayyoom would automatically inherit the structures, and the next dictatorship would begin. Once in power, it is highly unlikely that the new ruler would seek to democratize the system. Furthermore, he or she would, at that time have huge popularity in his or her populist agenda, and it would be virtually impossible to pressure or force the new ruler to bring any meaningful reform, because power would be derived from the masses. The intellectuals and thinkers in the movement to bring change would be quickly sidelined and projected as people “obstructing” the masses from “reaping the benefits” of the revolution with their fancy ideas and idealism. The Chinese revolution, what has happened repeatedly in Pakistan or even the more recent movements elsewhere in the world is consistently telling us this.
I know, that what I am outlining here will most probably anger some, particularly those who had believed in the panacea of removing Gayyoom from office with respect to our problems. However, this is the truth as I saw it, and I still see it.
So, replacing one dictatorship with another was, to my mind, not the solution. If one took a quiet moment to reflect on the defining moments in the past four years, and did some soul searching about the “reform movement”, one can identify the struggles between these elements. If we look at how this movement has evolved, and how it has fanned out now, we can clearly see early signs of what would have happened had there been a power vacuum without structural reformation.
In short, the actual reform would only come through structural reformation and readjustment, and the practical question to be asked was : do we attempt this with a weakened, dying out dictatorship which lacked any credibility in the public eye, at the helm; or do we attempt this with a vibrant, young, public adoring dictatorship at the helm?
I BELIEVED THAT IT WAS IMPERATIVE THAT STRUCTURAL REFORM BE MADE BEFORE A CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT OCCURS.
It was not an easy decision to make. On the one hand there was the deliberately created expectations of toppling Qayyoom on the streets. Everytime there was a demonstration or a protest on the streets, there was an expectation that tonight the Government would be toppled. The primary purpose of the particular protest would be lost somewhere between the starting point for the march and the designated rallying point. And of course, when it did not happen, instead of blaming those who created the unrealistic expectation, a carefully engineered propaganda piece would be generated to point the finger at those who had always advocated that this was not the way to go. Of course I had to bear the brunt of it. Who else, but Ibra, with his “shady dealings” with Qayyoom, Qasim, Ilyas, Yaameen and others could be blamed? The pressure was immense.
On the other hand, as an elected Member of Parliament, and as one who deeply loved the people of this nation, and as one who was fully committed to a genuinely democratic Maldives, I also had to consider the long term consequences of any action I take, or endorse. Of course, public direct action and sustained public engagement was a necessary component to keep the process moving, and to pressure the ailing dictatorship to give in to the democratic process, particularly on the floors of both Majlises where profound decisions were being made on a daily basis. One also had to consider the fragility of our society, the possibility of economic collapse, the loss of investor confidence, the possible bursting of the tourism bubble and diverting markets to competitors, the possible long term negative effects on a closely knit community and many such factors.
In the end, I realized that a fine balance had to be maintained between modes of action, and my belief that Structural Reforms should come before a change of government was further strengthened. And I decided, that whatever cost to my personal political career it might incur, I would dedicate the majority of my efforts to the constitutional revision process.
The decision HAS been costly to me personally. I had to remain silent while all kinds of rumours and innuendo, and outright lies about me were being spread around. While every other contender for the Presidency were focusing their energies on campaigning (Qayyoom, Anni, Hassan and others), I was stuck, day in and day out, 18 hours a day, 7 days a week in the drafting committee office. The amount of redrafting that we had to do even at the committee stage, the number of meetings which had to be called off because of lack of quorum, were carefully orchestrated attempts by political opponents to keep me engaged, and to discredit me. The pressures on my time were such that, at one point, my daughter declared that she needed another father because the current one did not have any time for her! I can understand her sentiment, because sometimes, I would go for a whole week without spending any time with either of my children.
Whatever the cost to me personally, I am now extremely joyous that the Constitution had been finally revised, and that whoever comes into power in the next election, be it Qayyoom or I, or anyone else, he or she will not have unchecked power to create another dictatorship in this country. Nothing short of a military takeover, or the public giving way to a plutocracy, will ever reduce us to that condition of inhuman subjugation. Even as I say this, I do realize that the possibility of a plutocracy is looming large on the horizon. That will be the next challenge.
I am grateful, that this objective of mine had been realized. I do not regret the decision I took. Whatever difficulties I had to face, whatever political damage that I may have suffered because of my decision, is still worth the achievement. If I had to, I would do it all over again.
We have now laid the foundation for Structural Reform, we have brought about much change, we have closed the doors for a dictatorship (at least legally!) and we did it more or less with our society still in one piece, the tourism industry still intact. All in all, not a bad 4 years work!
Allah bless us all.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)